Different Types Of Authoritarian Regimes Research Articles

Court-Packing Accomplished – The Changing Jurisprudence of a Subordinate Constitutional Court

The worldwide decline in democracy poses a major challenge to the independence of constitutional courts, which are the guardians of constitutionalism and the rule of law. The international literature on constitutional adjudication is therefore understandably concerned with how judicial independence is undermined in different types of authoritarian regimes. However, less attention has been paid to how the practice of these courts evolves when they are directly or indirectly controlled by the government. This article examines how the practices of the Hungarian Constitutional Court changed following the successful court-packing by its government, which exercised its constitution-making parliamentary majority to subvert the Court, which was once one of the most activist constitutional courts in Europe. In this case, political influence was fullyexercised; this study shows how the Constitutional Court, in order to maintain a semblance of independence, uses several different methods to uphold the government’s will. The Hungarian example may be instructive as it illustrates where the dismantling of judicial independence can lead.

Trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business

In this research work, Author focus on the analysis trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. Accordance to the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openess to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there are the need for new approaches to trade cooperation. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests. First of all it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region’s economy. On the other hand some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region’s economy, but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of current trends in foreign trade theory and policy and in particulary the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, foreign trade policy in different types of authoritarian regimes, protectionistic pressures in different political system, the level of protectionistic pressures, the variation in the foreign trade policy among states, the liberalisation of China foreign trade policy and their effects, the tendencies to international trade liberalisation and the problem of environmental protection, and the tendencies to bilateralism in the foreign trade policy. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment.

Authoritarian origins of term limit trajectories in Africa

ABSTRACT The article advances two related arguments with regard to term limit decisions in Sub-Saharan Africa. We should take a long-term perspective on term limit decisions and not describe and explain them as isolated events. Such a historical perspective reveals the remarkably stable patterns according to which some African countries have enforced effective term limits while others have established a tradition of circumventing them. Second, these stable term limit trajectories are shaped by the institutional legacies of different types of authoritarian regimes which had existed before 1990. Single-party authoritarian regimes have thus created a favourable institutional context for the enforcement of term limits, although through two different mechanisms. Personalist regimes, conversely, created an institutional legacy which made the continued circumvention of term limits likely. This argument is developed both theoretically and by looking at the three cases of Tanzania, Zambia and Côte d’Ivoire.

Dynamic dictators: improving the research agenda on autocratization and authoritarian resilience

ABSTRACT We do not have a comprehensive understanding of authoritarian resilience or the quality of governance globally, because we lack research analysing deepening autocratization in already authoritarian countries. Yet, deepening autocratization is an actual phenomenon affecting hundreds of millions of people worldwide. Authoritarian regimes continue to be treated as the negative end of the democracy-authoritarianism continuum, neglecting characteristics present only in authoritarian regimes. This research develops the conceptualization of deepening autocratization, as the definition of autocratization should include deepening autocratization in already authoritarian countries, rather than focusing solely on regime change. It looks at elite-level dynamics in authoritarian regimes and discusses power concentration, including proposed measures for personalization, administrative centralization, and state control over economic assets. Understanding how deepening autocratization is linked with authoritarian resilience is also crucial, as there is no “one model fits all” solution for understanding authoritarian resilience in different types of authoritarian regimes. To improve the research agenda on authoritarian resilience, research should focus on the combination of causes and their interactions rather than effects of individual causes.

The dark side of regionalism: how regional organizations help authoritarian regimes to boost survival

ABSTRACT The international dimension of authoritarian resilience is receiving increased attention by scholars of comparative politics and international relations alike. Research suggests that autocratic states exploit regionalism to boost domestic regime security. This article explains how membership in regional organizations can help to strengthen survival chances of autocratic incumbent elites. It argues that membership provides additional material, informational, and ideational resources to autocratic incumbents that can be used to boost domestic survival strategies vis-à-vis internal and external challengers. The article provides qualitative case-based evidence to show how autocratic incumbents in Zimbabwe, China, and Bahrain have benefited from the involvement of regional organizations during moments of political instability to strengthen legitimation, repression, co-optation, and international appeasement strategies. The article thereby provides the first encompassing explanation linking regionalism and authoritarian survival politics that is applicable across regions and different types of authoritarian regimes.

New Tendencies in Contemporary Foreign Trade Policy

In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis new tendencies in contemporary foreign trade policy. Accordance to the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalization and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openness to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there is the need for new approaches to trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of foreign trade policy and trade interests. First of all it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region’s economy. On the other hand some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region’s economy but are industry-specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of current trends in foreign trade theory and policy and in particular the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, foreign trade policy in different types of authoritarian regimes, protectionism pressures in different political system, the level of protectionism pressures, the variation in the foreign trade policy among states, the liberalization of China foreign trade policy and their effects,  the tendencies to international trade liberalization and the problem of environmental protection, and the tendencies to bilateralism in the foreign trade policy. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment.

Violent Origins of Authoritarian Variation: Rebellion Type and Regime Type in Cold War Southeast Asia

AbstractDictatorships are every bit as institutionally diverse as democracies, but where does this variation come from? This article argues that different types of internal rebellion influence the emergence of different types of authoritarian regimes. The critical question is whether rebel forces primarily seek to seize state power or to escape it. Regional rebellions seeking toescapethe state raise the probability of a military-dominated authoritarian regime, since they are especially likely to unify the military while heightening friction between civilian and military elites. Leftist rebellions seeking toseizethe state are more likely to give rise to civilian-dominated dictatorships by inspiring ‘joint projects’ in which military elites willingly support party-led authoritarian rule. Historical case studies of Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam illustrate the theory, elaborating how different types of violent conflict helped produce different types of dictatorships across the breadth of mainland and island Southeast Asia during the Cold War era.

Current Trends in Foreign Trade Theory and Policy

In this research work, Author focus on the current analysis trends in foreign trade theory and policy. Accordance with the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openness to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there is the need for new approaches to trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region’s economy. On the other hand, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region’s economy but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of current trends in foreign trade theory and policy and in particular models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, foreign trade policy in different types of authoritarian regimes, protectionist pressures in different political system, the level of protectionist pressures, the tendencies to bilateralism in the foreign trade policy. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment.

The Spread of Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe

ABSTRACTA number of studies have found that a variety of political phenomena, including democracy, can spread through a diffusion process at the international level. It is also possible that non-democratic phenomena can follow a similar pattern. The spread of a number of different types of authoritarian regimes in Europe between the First World War and the Second World War provided a classic case to determine whether there were such patterns. In fact, the creation of authoritarian political systems followed a diffusion pattern in some periods under some circumstances. Diffusion was more likely to occur in the 1930s instead of the 1920s. There were also indications that those countries that were at lower levels of economic development were a factor that led to the establishment of authoritarian political systems in many years. The evidence for levels of economic development was not present for all time periods, indicating that the spread of authoritarian regimes was a complex process.

The electronic face of authoritarianism: E-government as a tool for gaining legitimacy in competitive and non-competitive regimes

E-government in autocracies is used as a seemingly democratic pattern of legitimation which became increasingly popular during the last decade. The most current data of the UN e-government survey (2014) show that several autocracies massively expand their online facilities. Recent studies question the widespread assumptions that such initiatives improve transparency and foster democratization. They propose the hypothesis that authoritarian regimes set up e-government as a response to globalization pressures and to demonstrate modernity and legitimacy to the international community. However, this article argues that the hypothesis does not account for the variations of e-government across different types of authoritarian regimes and suggests a refinement. The qualitative assessment of four post-Soviet authoritarian regimes points to crucial differences of how e-government is used to legitimate authoritarianism. While the non-competitive regimes of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan create their web presences primarily for an international audience, the article finds a surprising citizen-responsiveness on the websites of the competitive regimes of Kazakhstan and Russia. This article proposes a new concept of e-government in autocracies and illustrates that some type of competitive authoritarian regimes use their websites not only for gaining external legitimacy but also as an efficient tool for obtaining the support of their people by offering online services and simulating transparency and participation.

Does regime type matter for the impact of democracy aid on democracy?

During the last decades democracy aid, which aims at fostering democracy in aid recipient countries, has become a popular type of foreign aid among major donor countries. This article asks whether the effect of democracy aid differs between different types of authoritarian regimes. According to previous research the rulers' risk of losing power varies among types of regimes. Theoretically, we may assume that when the risk of losing power is low, authoritarian rulers tend to be more willing to accept democracy aid, given the other benefits that foreign aid could bring to the ruler. In addition, it is also easier to implement democracy aid projects where certain political institutions are in place. The theoretical argument is tested using time series cross-section analysis on a global data set covering 143 aid-receiving countries from 1990 to 2007. The results show that the impact of democracy aid differs between different types of authoritarian regimes. Democracy aid has a positive impact on democracy levels in the most stable types of authoritarian regimes where political institutions are also in place, that is, one-party regimes.

The Internet and state control in authoritarian regimes: China, Cuba and the counterrevolution (originally published in August 2001)

It is widely believed that the Internet poses an insurmountable threat to authoritarian rule. But political science scholarship has provided little support for this conventional wisdom, and a number of case studies from around the world show that authoritarian regimes are finding ways to control and counter the political impact of Internet use. While the long-term political impact of the Internet remains an open question, we argue that these strategies for control may continue to be viable in the short to medium term. Many authoritarian regimes translate a long and successful history of control over other information and communication technologies into strong control of Internet development within their borders. Potential challenges to the state may arise from Internet use in several areas: the mass public, civil society, the economy, and the international community. Authoritarian states will likely respond to these challenges with a variety of reactive measures: restricting Internet access, filtering content, monitoring online behavior, or even prohibiting Internet use entirely. In addition, such states seek to extend central control through proactive strategies, guiding the development of the medium to promote their own interests and priorities. Through a combination of reactive and proactive strategies, an authoritarian regime can counter the challenge posed by Internet use and even utilize the Internet to extend its reach and authority. In this paper we illustrate how two authoritarian regimes, China and Cuba, are maintainng control over the Internet's political impact through different combinations of reactive and proactive strategies. These cases illustrate that, contrary to assumptions, different types of authoritarian regimes may be able to control and profit from the Internet. Examining the experiences of these two countries may help to shed light on other authoritarian regimes' strategies for Internet development, as well as help to develop generalizable conclusions about the impact of the Internet on authoritarian rule.

Pathways from Authoritarianism

This paper uses a new typology of authoritarian regimes to explore the extent to which regime type explains the survival (and breakdown) of non-democratic regimes as well as the impact of different types of authoritarian regimes on democratic development. Our results demonstrate that different types of authoritarian regime face different propensities to develop toward democracy. Hence the nature of the authoritarian regime in question deserves to be added to the list of democracy's essential preconditions. One regime type—the limited multiparty system—stands out as the prime stepping stone to democracy. The fact that this regime type has become the most common form of authoritarianism can be seen as a promising sign for the future.

O quê sabemos sobre democratização depois de vinte anos?

Este ensaio sintetiza os resultados do grande número de estudos publicados nos últimos vinte anos sobre a democratização ocorrida no final do século XX. Dados significativos dão sustentação à tese de que a democracia é mais provável em países mais desenvolvidos e que transições de regime de todos os tipos são mais prováveis durante períodos de declínio econômico. Porém, muito poucos dos outros argumentos apresentados na literatura sobre transição parecem ter validade geral. Este estudo propõe um modelo teórico, baseado nas características de diferentes tipos de regimes autoritários, para explicar muitas das diferenças entre as experiências de democratização em diferentes regiões. Os dados tirados de um conjunto de bases que inclui 163 regimes autoritários oferecem sustentação preliminar ao modelo proposto.

The Internet and state control in authoritarian regimes: China, Cuba and the counterrevolution

It is widely believed that the Internet poses an insurmountable threat to authoritarian rule. But political science scholarship has provided little support for this conventional wisdom, and a number of case studies from around the world show that authoritarian regimes are finding ways to control and counter the political impact of Internet use. While the long-term political impact of the Internet remains an open question, we argue that these strategies for control may continue to be viable in the short to medium term. Many authoritarian regimes translate a long and successful history of control over other information and communication technologies into strong control of Internet development within their borders. Potential challenges to the state may arise from Internet use in several areas: the mass public, civil society, the economy, and the international community. Authoritarian states will likely respond to these challenges with a variety of reactive measures: restricting Internet access, filtering content, monitoring online behavior, or even prohibiting Internet use entirely. In addition, such states seek to extend central control through proactive strategies, guiding the development of the medium to promote their own interests and priorities. Through a combination of reactive and proactive strategies, an authoritarian regime can counter the challenge posed by Internet use and even utilize the Internet to extend its reach and authority. In this paper we illustrate how two authoritarian regimes, China and Cuba, are maintainng control over the Internet's political impact through different combinations of reactive and proactive strategies. These cases illustrate that, contrary to assumptions, different types of authoritarian regimes may be able to control and profit from the Internet. Examining the experiences of these two countries may help to shed light on other authoritarian regimes' strategies for Internet development, as well as help to develop generalizable conclusions about the impact of the Internet on authoritarian rule.

What Do We Know About Democratization After Twenty Years?

This essay synthesizes the results of the large number of studies of late–20th-century democratization published during the last 20 years. Strong evidence supports the claims that democracy is more likely in more developed countries and that regime transitions of all kinds are more likely during economic downturns. Very few of the other arguments advanced in the transitions literature, however, appear to be generally true. This study proposes a theoretical model, rooted in characteristics of different types of authoritarian regimes, to explain many of the differences in democratization experience across cases in different regions. Evidence drawn from a data set that includes 163 authoritarian regimes offers preliminary support for the model proposed.